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Address delivered by George R.Wallace, Esq., 
or PittsDurgn, before tKe Cliamter of Com- 
merce of PittslurgK, October 2, 1917. 



1r¥4>*<1riFt'¥<'lf'if****if'V4f*4>'***^********************* 



Xke German Menace 
To America 




AdJress delivered ty George R. \Vallace, Esq., of 

Pittsburgk, before tlie Ckamber of Commerce 

of Pittsturgk, October 2, 1917. 






i Copyrighted 1917 

BY 

Geo. R. Wallace, Esq., Pittsburgh, Pa. 



©CLA47S230 



NOV 28 1917 



Grentlemen of the Chamber: 

This year of 1917 is the most fateful year our 
nation has faced for more than half a century, perhaps 
the most fateful year it has ever faced ; we are engaged 
— and don't let us deceive ourselves — we are engaged 
in a struggle for the very existence of the United 
States as a nation. 

Twice before we have entered such a struggle; 
once in the Revolutionary period, and again during the 
Civil War. 

There is one thing upon which we can congratu- 
late ourselves, and that is that we have entered upon 
this great national struggle with more unanimity of 
support, with more solidarity of patriotism, with more 
ordered and intelligent preparation than any struggle 
in which we have heretofore engaged. It shows 
that democracy can grow and that people can grow 
under democracy. 

It is natural for us to glorify the deeds of our an- 
cestors, and it is proper for us to do so ; but at a time 
like this, when the burden is coming upon us, it is right 
also that we should look to the other side. Do not 
let us forget that those seven long, miserable, doubt- 
ful years of the Revolutionary struggle were not due 
either to lack of men or of resources. They were due 
to the fact that the people were not solidly behind the 
Revolution; they were due to Toryism, to mutual sus- 
picions, to jealousies, to lack of organization, to lack 
of the "get together" spirit that we have today. 

Washington had under him at one time or another 
nearly 300,000 soldiers during the seven years; they 
at times deserted by companies and by regiments, and 
he was often glad to see them go because they were 
worthless, untrained, undisciplined militia who ate up 
his scanty provisions and fled at the first volley. In 
this State of Pennsylvania over half the population 
were against that war; it was fought through by an 
intelligent and patriotic minority. 

The Civil War is closer, and we all know how the 
burden which rested upon the great, patient heart of 
Lincoln was tremendously increased; how~the cost in 
blood and money was multiplied in that war on ac- 
count of the opposition of the copperheads, of the men 
who promoted draft riots, of the men who preached 
peace with surrender and disunion. Even in high 
places men of that kind stood up, until Lincoln finally 
had to reach out his hand and seize the Governor of 
our neighboring State of Ohio, Vallandingham ; with 
that saving grace of humor which Lincoln always had, 
he sent him through the Confederate lines under a flag 



of truce, saying that he would feel more at home among 
his own people. 

Such conditions have not yet confronted us in 
this war. Our people are practically united in its 
support. But while this is true, it is well for us to 
remember that we have not yet felt the pinch of war. 
We read about the food shortage, but our tables are 
still abundantly supplied. We read about war taxes, 
but we have not yet paid any of them. We cheer our 
boys as they march forth to the training camps, but 
the casualty lists have not come in yet. 

The day will come when these things which are 
now heard with our ears will be actual, bitter realities ; 
when the burden of this war will weigh down upon 
us, when our hearts will be saddened with the loss of 
our young men, when our backs will be weary with the 
load, when we will feel the misery and the weight of it 
all. 

When that times comes, then will come the ripe 
harvest-time for the insidious and widespread German 
propaganda which is planted throughout this land, and 
it will have its appeal to the foolishly sentimental, to 
the ignorant, to the weak and cowardly; and then is 
the day when the real test of the United States of 
America shall arrive. I think, therefore, it is in the 
highest degree desirable that we should each one of us 
really know what lies back of this struggle; that we 
should realize what the thing is that we are fighting, 
so that when that day of test comes, we may steel our 
hearts to the severity of the struggle and press on to 
the stern conclusion which must bring us victory. 
Now what is it that we are fighting? 

We are told that we are fighting the German 
Kaiser: that is true. We are told that we are fighting 
the Prussian military caste : that is true. We are told 
that we are fighting the organized greed of the indus- 
trial and financial leaders of Germany, who wish to ex- 
ploit the world under the protection of the German 
Army; that is true. But more than that is true. It 
is true, and we must not deceive ourselves here, that 
we are fighting seventy millions of German people, who 
entered this war with their hearts in it, who entered 
this war knowing that it was a war of conquest, who 
entered this war with the very intoxication of fervor 
for the spreading of German power by German arms 
throughout the world, who entered it feeling that 
they were called of God to that mission, and that, in 
the performance of that mission, they were justified 
in using every instrument of cunning and treacheiy 
and frightfulness which their brains could devise. 



Now I am making no attack upon the Teutonic 
race, or the German people. I suppose there are not 
many persons here in this room who do not have some 
German blood in their veins. One of the tragedies 
developed and exposed in this war is the tragedy that 
has befallen the German people, a noble and a gener- 
ous and a forceful race, seized upon and debased, 
degraded and misinfonned and trained and developed 
through two generations of living men until it should 
become a fit tool in the hands of the Hohenzollerns for 
the conquest of the world. That thing has happened 
to Germany. I have the profoundest sympathy for 
the German man living in the United States and the 
man of German descent ; he is in the same position that 

our forefathers were in in the days of the Revolution 

forced to fight his own kin, and why? For substan- 
tially the same reason. Our Revolutionary war came 
because an alien King of England, united with cer- 
tain great commercial interests to exploit and oppress 
the American Colonies. 

How has this thing happened in Germany? 

I ask you to go back about two hundred years to 
the year 1712, to go with me to a little shabby palace 
m Berlin, at that time only a provincial town, and to 
meet there a little king, dressed in a shabby military 
uniform, which was all he ever wore. He had just one 
idea in the world— his army. He was the second 
Prussian King. His father had purchased the title 
of King from the Emperor with a large sum of money, 
at a time when the Emperor needed it very badly. 
This second Prussian King was the ruler of a barren* 
flat, sandy land along the shores of the Baltic, inter- 
spersed with morasses and swamps, occupied by about 
a million people. 

In the year 1712, there was bom to this king 
a son, a little boy who afterwards became Frederick, 
the Great. To his father this son meant just one 
thing, the opportunity to train a soldier who would ex- 
tend the power of the Hohenzollem family, and the 
boundaries of Prussia by the use of the Prussian Army. 
When he was a mere infant his father expressed dis- 
satisfaction because the son did not display any inter- 
est in military affairs. But one day when the Prince 
was four years old, his father came upon him beating 
a little drum. He was delighted. Here was a mark 
of military interest. He gave a dinner to his friends 
to celebrate the event and he had a great artist paint 
a picture of the little Prince beating the drum. That 
picture is hanging on the walls of the Hohenzollem 
Palace today. A year or so later he organized a com- 



pany of soldier boys about the age of the Prince and 
put him to drilling- them with true Prussian drill-ser- 
geant tyranny. When the Prince was six or seven 
years old, his father undertook seriously his education ; 
he got a few tutors together; he organized a private 
school for the Prince, and he wrote out in his own hand 
the instructions that should guide the tutors in train- 
ing that Prince to be a fit Hohenzollern. They were 
not to teach him any literature, art or music, or any 
of the humanities. They were to teach him history, 
but most of all militaiy history and military science. 
I will quote you just a sentence or two from that book 
of instruction. He said: 

"You shall in the highest measure make 
it your care to infuse into my son a true love 
for the soldier business and to impress upon 
him that, as there is nothing in the world 
which can bring to a Prince renown and honor 
like the sword, so he would be a despised 
creature before all men if he did not love it 
and seek glory thereby." 

And then there began a course of training and 
discipline for the little Prince such as, I suppose, no 
Prince in the world ever received before. He was put 
through the bitterest, most rigorous military disci- 
pline. His father endeavored to torture out of him 
his love for literature and art and music. He im- 
prisoned him for breaches of military discipline. Yes ; 
he made him stand by and see his own best chum, a 
young lieutenant of the army, shot to death before his 
eyes for a breach of military discipline into which the 
Prince himself had led him, a mere trip across the bor- 
der to a neighboring city without permission. He 
threatened the Prince with death. He so humiliated, 
harried and embittered him that finally when the old 
King died in 1740, and Frederick now a mature man 
succeeded to the throne, he was a mere shell of a man. 
He trusted nobody; he believed in nothing; he 
was disillusioned, cynical, skeptical. He had just one 
idea, — war, conquest, power. There was no appeal to 
be made to him except as he was inflamed with the 
desire of conquest and military glory. He, himself, 
tells us that he looked about to see what he could do. 
He had inherited the best drilled army in Europe. He 
found a considerable amount of money in his father's 
treasure house; with that he doubled his army, and 
then he decided that the thing that he would take was 
Silesia. Right across the southern border lay the fat 
German province of Silesia, then under the Austrian 
throne. So, one summer, he called out his army for 



maneuvers, the annual training, in three camps, and, 
on a certain day, by secret orders in an hour of pro- 
found peace, those three columns of men started 
marching toward Silesia. They were across the bor- 
der, ravaging and burning, before Maria Theresa, the 
Queen of Austria, even knew they had started. 
There you have the prototype of the rape of Belgium. 
Thus began the wars of Frederick the Great, 
which, for thirty years embroiled Europe and the 
world, which caused the death of hundreds of thous- 
ands of men and women; which caused men to fight 
right here at Fort Pitt; yes, which caused hundreds 
of defenseless women and children to be murdered and 
scalped by the Indians through these woods of West- 
em Pennsylvania, — ^because our French and Indian 
War was a Frederick the Great War. 

But Frederick succeeded ; he won for himself the 
title of "the Great". He increased the Prussian do- 
main until he ruled over five millions of people. 

But the day came when he was an old man; his 
death was near ; he had no sons, but he had a nephew 
who succeeded him as Frederick William II, about the 
close of our Revolutionary War. 

In those days Frederick the Great wrote a note 
book for his nephew, a little book on the art of being 
a Prussian King; a hand-book to teach him the fine 
science of kingscraft, the policy of the Hohenzollem 
family. We have that book ; it is published today, un- 
der the title of "The Confessions of Frederick the 
Great." I am going to give you just a few quotations 
from it. 

Frederick says to his nephew: 

"Have you in mind to pass as a hero: 
make boldly your approaches to crimes." 

"I will not here enter on a demonstration 
to you of the validity of my pretensions on 
Silesia. I took care to have it established by 
my orators." 

"You must take care to maintain at your 
court two or three persons of eloquence, and 
leave it in charge with them to justify you." 
"Never be ashamed of making alliances 
and of being yourself the only party that 
draws advantage from them ; Do not commit 
the stupid fault of not abandoning them 
whenever it is to your interest to do so." 
There you have the original doctrine of the "scrap, 
of paper." 

"Should it be necessary to make a treaty 
with other powers, if we remember we are 



Christians we are done. As to war, it is a 
trade in which any the least scruple spoils 
everything." 

"Although my generals play the chief role 
in my dominions, they are no more than the 
head slaves. The most fortunate officers have 
three years of misery and humiliation to go 
through at the beginning of their careers. To 
recompense them, I make their lot very honor- 
able when they come to higher rank ; I closed 
my eyes to all the oppressions they commit- 
ted. They worked for me in working for 
themselves." 

"Religion is absolutely necessary to a 
state; but then, it would not be very wise in 
a king to have any religion himself." 
Then Frederick goes on to point out that, by 
means of religion, you can keep a people mentally en- 
slaved, while a king must be free to act without any 
restrictions whatever. 

There, in a few sentences, — and you can find many 
more like them in that manual of kingscraft, — is ex- 
pressed the soul of the Hohenzollern family. From 
that day to this that family has followed in practice 
the precepts of Frederick the Great. 

There stands in front of the Treasury Building at 
Washington today a statue of Frederick the Great, 
presented to the United States by the present Kaiser 
in 1905, a tribute to his admiration of the man, and 
a gift which was inspired by his policy at that time 
when he was spreading his fine web of plausible friend- 
ship over this country as a preparation for his propa- 
ganda and the day when he should strike us. 

Prussia has run true to form. Her progress 
was stayed during the period of the Napoleon- 
ic Wars. Napoleon overran Prussia; but after the 
storms of that time had gone by, Prussia emerged, run- 
ning true to forai, and she found a leader worthy of 
her policy, the man of "blood and iron", Bismarck. 

We are not left in any doubt as to Bismarck's poli- 
cies, because, with a very considerable degree of pride, 
he has written them all out in a book for us to read. 
And he tells us that he had three great objects. He 
desired, first to increase the territories of the Hohen- 
zollerns, his masters; he desired to humiliate Austria, 
then the leading German state and to put Prussia 
ahead of Austria; and he desired to unite all of the 
German states under the Hohenzollern family. 

He tells us how he accomplished these purposes. 
He brought on three wars to do it. He says that in 

8 



his judgment a good diplomat is a man who can bring 
on a war, or delay a war, or prevent a war at will. 

The first war he brought on was in 1864. He got 
Austria to unite with him in an attack on Denmark to 
take the province of Schleswig-Holstein. Of course 
they succeeded. Austria naturally expected part of the 
spoils, but Bismarck not only refused her any, but did 
it so violently and insultingly that Austria immediately 
declared war, which was exactly what Bismarck wan- 
ted, and in 1866 he marched those matchless Prussian 
battalions against the Austrian armies and crushed 
them in a day at Konigsgraetz. Bismarck tells us he 
could easily have gone on to Vienna, and the King and 
the generals insisted on doing so; but Bismarck said: 
No; no; Gentlemen, you must not do that. In a few 
years we are going to have a war with France ; and we 
want Austria to be friendly and quiet at that time. 
With much difficulty he persuaded the Generals 
and the King to make a favorable treaty with Austria, 
and then spent the next four years in developing Prus- 
sia, and Germany for the war with France. 

Finally in 1870 the day had come to spring the 
trap. There was a meeting of Louis Napoleon, Em- 
peror of the French, and the Prussian King at Ems, 
to discuss the matters in dispute which had been 
stirred up for the purpose; unexpectedly the negotia- 
tions took a peaceful form. Bismarck tells us how he 
was sitting in a room with General Von Moltke and 
one other officer when a telegram came from his King 
stating the nature of the royal conference. He read 
it and handed it to Von Moltke who said: 

"That looks like peace." 
Bismarck said: 

"Oh, well, that depends entirely on how this tele- 
gram is reported." 
He turned to Von Moltke and said: 

"Is the army ready?" 
Von Moltke replied: 

"Absolutely ready." 
Then Bismarck sat down and forged that telegram. 
He so altered it as to make of it an insulting challenge 
to France; he brought on the war and marched his 
battalions against unprepared France and crushed her 
in a few months, levying a tribute of a billion dollars. 
He thought he had broken her for a generation, andi 
when France rallied rapidly and paid off the debt he 
was deeply mortified. He said: 

"The next time we will bleed France white." 
He had taken from her the rich mineral provinces of 
Alsace and Lorraine, but he accomplished in that war 



his much greater object. In the enthusiasm aroused 
by it, he united all the states of Northern Germany 
under the Hohenzollerns, and the Hohenzollems be- 
came the rulers of fifty millions of people. 

Then began, in 1871, a course of education and 
training and discipline for the German people, such 
as, I suppose, has never been seen upon the world be- 
fore, — a training designed to prepare those Germans, 
not merely militarily, financially and industrially, but 
to prepare them in heart and soul and spirit to be fit 
tools in the hands of the Hohenzollerns for the con- 
quest of the world. 

They took the children as they clambered down 
from their mothers' knees and entered the primary 
schools, and preached to them the doctrine of the Hoh- 
enzoUem supremacy, the German superiority and its 
mission from God. They took the boys in the inter- 
mediate schools, the young men in the universities; 
they preached this doctrine to Germany through the 
newspapers, and in the publications of the nation. Yes, 
they even entered the temples of the Christ, and men 
wearing the garb of Jesus climbed into the pulpit, in 
the very church of Him who came to preach love and 
brotherhood and service, and proclaimed to the German 
people this hellish doctrine of conquest and slaughter 
and world dominion. 

I shall give you just a few out of the many thous- 
ands of quotations which I might give you from prom- 
inent German writers to support what I have said. 

There was published in Germany, and perhaps 
still is, a magazine meant for the young men and grow- 
ing boys, very much like the Youths Companion of this 
country. In the year 1913 there was published in it 
an editorial written by its editor. Otto Von Gottburg, 
in which he used this language : 

"War is the most august and sacred of 
human activities. For us, too, the great joy- 
ful hour of battle will one day strike. The 
openly expressed longing for war often degen- 
erates into vain boasting and ludicrous sabre- 
rattling; but still and deep in the German 
heart must the joy in war and the longing for 
war endure." 

That was the kind of stuff they were feeding their 
impressionable youths upon ; and while we in this coun- 
try through our Boy Scouts and other agencies were 
endeavoring to teach our young men that the highest 
measure of manhood is achieved in service and 
brotherhood and kindness, the German boy was being 
taught that he could only achieve the highest ideal of 
manhood in slaughter, murder and conquest. 

10 



Professor Oncken has recently published a book in 
which he uses these words : 

"The fate which Belgium has called down 
upon herself is hard for the individual, but it 
is not too hard for this political structure, be- 
cause the destinies of the immortal great na- 
tions stand so high that they cannot but have 
the right, in case of need, to stride over ex- 
istences which cannot defend themselves, but 
live only as parasites upon the rivalries of the 
great." 

Professor Sombart has published a book en- 
titled "Hucksters and Heroes", in which he develops 
the idea that the Germans are heroes and that the rest 
of us are miserable, cheap, cowardly hucksters of an 
inferior civilization, meant in the providence of God 
to be overrun, conquered and ruled by the German 
heroes. He says in that book: 

"Now we see why the other nations pur- 
sue us with their hatred. They do not under- 
stand us, but they are conscious of our enor- 
mous spiritual superiority. So the Jews were 
hated in antiquity because they were God's 
chosen representatives in the world." 
Now how about the preachers, this body of civil 
servants controlled by the Government who now oc- 
cupy the pulpits of Luther? Shortly after this war 
broke out, Pastor Rump published a book called "War's 
Devotions", a book meant to cheer the heart of the 
pious German as he faced the misery and privation of 
war. Rump says in that book: 

"Verily, the Bible is our book, given and 
assigned to us, and we read in it the original 
text of our destiny, which proclaims to man- 
kind, salvation or disaster according as we 
will it." 

They have taken the keys of Heaven and Hell 
from St. Peter, and today it is the German Nation to 
whom God has entrusted the high prerogative of de- 
termining whether you and I or any other people on the 
face of the earth shall have salvation or disaster. 

Pastor Lehmann has published a book entitled, 
"On the German God," — they have even taken our God 
from us, and the infinite Creator of the universe has 
been dragged down to be the tribal diety of the march- 
ing German hordes — Lehmann says in that book: 
"Germany is the center of God's plans for 
the world." 

And then, dear old Pastor Baumgarten of Berlin, 
pastor of one of the most prominent churches in the 

11 



capital, shortly after the sinking of the Lusitania, pub- 
lished an address in which he used these words : 
"Whoever cannot prevail upon himself to 
approve from the bottom of his heart the 
sinking- of the Lusitania, whoever cannot con- 
quer his sense of the gigantic cruelty to un- 
numbered perfectly innocent victims and give 
himself up to honest delight at this victorious 
exploit of German defensive power, him 
we judge to be no true German." 
And Pastor Baumgarten was right! He knew his 
Germany. I have no doubt there are thousands of 
men and women in Germany whose souls have not 
been poisoned, and who today share in the moral in- 
dignation of the world at this deed; but taking the 
nation as a whole. Pastor Baumgarten was right. Wit- 
ness the fact that while the rest of the world stood 
still with horror in the presence of this unprecedented 
crime, Germany proclaimed a national holiday, and 
all over Germany the little children from the schools 
— God pity them — were led out to march, carrying 
their flags and singing their songs, while they 
gloated over their little baby brothers and sisters ly- 
ing dead beneath the black waters of the Atlantic. 
That is modern Germany. 

Now let us hear from the "All Highest" Kaiser 
himself. He has made utterances which seem in- 
credible; utterances which could not have been made 
to any other people on God's footstool, and yet they 
have been seriously and favorably received by the 
German people. He has been popular with them per- 
sonally, and they have followed him gladly into this 
war. 

He says: 

"There lives a powerful ally pf mine ; that 
is the good old God in heaven, who ever since 
the days of the Great Prince Elector and the 
Great King has always been on our side." 

"My rock-like conviction is that our great 
Ally will not fail me. He has taken such an 
amount of pains with our old Mark of Bran- 
denburg and with our house of Hohenzollem 
that it is not to be assumed he will have his 
pains for nothing ; on the contrary we are des- 
tined to great things, and I will lead you up- 
ward to joyous glorious days." 
Now what are the joyous, glorious days to which 
the Kaiser promises to lead the German people? He 
tells us himself: 

"We must pursue a world policy. The sea 

12 



and sea power are indispensable for Ger- 
many's greatness. But it is the sea too which 
proves that neither upon the water nor upon 
the land in far-a-way countries decisions must 
be reached or events happen without the con- 
sent of Germany and the German Emperor. 
"I go my way. It is the only right one. 
Whoever opposes an obstacle to the realiza- 
tion of my purpose I will shatter." 
In a proclamation to the army in 1915, the 
Kaiser said : 

"The triumph of the Greater Germany, 
which some day must dominate all Europe is 
the single end for which we are fighting." 
At the Potsdam conference held in July, 1914, 
at which the final touches were put upon the plans 
for the great war, the Kaiser said: 

"From childhood I have been under the 
influence of five men — Alexander, Julius 
Caesar, Theodoric II, Frederick the Great, and 
Napoleon. Each dreamed a dream of world 
empire ; they failed. I am dreaming a dream 
of German World Empire and my mailed fist 
shall succeed." 

Thus speaks the Kaiser. 
But, you say, "Are not all of these quotations 
that you have given us from the Hohenzollem or his 
mouthpieces ? 

I will call a witness of whom that may not be 
said, — the most brilliant editorial writer in Germany, 
a man who for years has been preaching democracy; 
who has been a thorn in the side of the Kaiser ; whose 
paper was suppressed only a few months ago and he 
himself thrust into the Government service in order 
to shut his mouth — Maximilian Harden. Like his fel- 
low democrats in Germany, he differs from the Kaiser 
on internal policy but on the question of the war they 
are all solid with the Junker. Shortly after the be- 
ginning of the war, Maximilian Harden printed an ed- 
itorial in which he used these words : 

"Force ! that is everything ! Let us drop our 
pitiable efforts to excuse Germany's actions. 
Not against our will were we plunged into this 
gigantic adventure. We willed it. We were 
bound to will it. Our force will create a new 
law in Europe. It is Germany that strikes." 
And Maximilian Harden knew his Germany: It 
was Germany that struck. 

Americans who were in Belgium when the red 
war machine ran over that pitiful country, tell us 

13 



that officers and privates alike seemed inspired by a 
very intoxication of joy as they entered upon their 
long dreamed of bloody holiday. 

That, my friends, is the Germany we are fighting; 
a Germany trained as were the Janizaries by the Turks. 
You remember that the man power of the Turks ran 
low. They seized the most promising little boys from 
among the conquered Christian peoples and trained 
them into those terrible Janizaries who rode through 
their homeland, cutting down their own fathers and 
mothers and brothers. These people today are the 
Janizaries of Europe ; these people whose Kaiser is now 
lifting a voice for peace; and it is that insidious doc- 
trine of peace which is the greatest threat to America. 
Don't forget that at this very moment the German 
Kaiser is practically the ruler of more than one hun- 
dred and fifty millions of people. At this time he has 
practically won what he expected to accomplish in the 
first great war. For years there has been preached 
in Germany the doctrine of the "Drang Nach Osten" 
— the drive to the east, the development of the great 
Mittel-Europa, a nation which would reach down to 
the Persian Gulf, cut the trade routes of the world and 
threaten the back door of India. At this moment the 
German Emperor is virtually ruler from the North 
Sea to the Mediterranean, from the waters of the 
Baltic to the gates of Bagdad. 

Let him have an opportunity for some years to 
develop that Prussian system through this vast rich 
domain, and when their next war strikes, you and I, 
or such of us as may be living here at that time, will 
not be facing it with the confidence of success with 
which we are facing this one. Our day will have 
passed; we will have been unworthy to survive, and, 
in the mean time you and I will be bearing upon our 
shoulders the arduous burden of military preparation, 
and bearing in our hearts that horror which has rested 
upon the heart of France for fifty years, while she 
has been waiting for the day when Germany would 
strike again. 

Not many months ago, a distinguished American 
writer was in Germany and was with the staff of Von 
Hindenburg back of the western front. One of Von 
Hindenburg's staff officers said to him: Where we 
made our mistake was that we did not count on fight- 
ing so many nations at once. Considering the fact that 
we were not prepared for that, we have done very 
well in this war. Let us have a peace now and give 
us ten or fifteen years to get ready for the next war 
and we will show you what we can do. 

14 



At the close of the Spanish-American war in 1898, 
Count Von Goetzen, a personal friend of the Kaiser, 
and a German military attache in Cuba, was returning 
to New York from Cuba on an American transport. 
Major Barber of the American Army, who was on 
the ship, got into a discussion with Von Goetzen, in 
which Von Goetzen said : 

"I will tell you something which you had 
better make note of. I am not afraid to tell 
you this because if you do speak of it, no one 
will believe you, and everybody will laugh 
at you. 

"About fifteen years from now my coun- 
try will start her great war. She will be in 
Paris in about two months after the com- 
mencement of hostilities. Her move on Paris 
will be but a step to her real objective, the 
crushing of England. Everything will move 
like clock-work. We will be prepared and 
others will not be prepared. I speak of this 
because of the connection which it will have 
with your own country. 

"Some months after we finish our work 
in Europe, we will take New York and prob- 
ably Washington, and hold them for some- 
time. We will put your country in its place 
with reference to Germany. We do not pro- 
pose to take any of your territory, but we 
do intend to take a billion or more dollars 
from New York and other places. The Mon- 
roe Doctrine will be taken charge of by us, as 
we will then have put you in your place, and 
v/e will take charge of South America as far 
as we wish to. I have no hostility toward 
your country. I like it, but we have to go our 
own way. Do not forget this, and about fif- 
teen years from now remember it, and it will 
interest you." 

At the Potsdam conference in July, 1914, already 
referred to, the Kaiser exhibited a map shov/ing the 
Roman Empire. He also exhibited another map show- 
ing the world when his dream should come true. Prac- 
tically all of Europe was shown as "Germany". 
Across the water was the United States with "Ger- 
many" as its name. He said to the conference : 

"We will have our heel on the head of 
every nation on earth, and the United States 
and Canada in three years." 

This nation which for years has been planning 
to spring at the throat of the world is now from 

15 



time to time spreading forth its hands for a false 
peace — a peace which would leave her substantially 
victor, with greatly increased resources, and give her 
time to prepare for the final stroke. It was Nietzsche, 
the Mad Prophet of modem Germany, who said: 
"Ye shall love peace as a means to new 

wars, and the short peace rather than the 

long." 

Peace! You can't make peace with a serpent. 
A treaty ! You can't make a treaty with a wild beast. 
So long as this lust of conquest, so long as this determi- 
nation to slaughter and rule persists in the hearts of 
the German people and the men who lead them, there 
is but one thing to do; we must face it. The stem 
necessity rests upon us to press on in this struggle 
until we have crushed the thing, until we have stamped 
it out, until there shall no more be a man who shall 
madly dream of world conquests, of world domination. 

Why, what does this house of Hohenzollern call 
its chief? The Kaiser. What is that? A Roman 
word. Why did a German man crown himself with a 
Roman name? Because Kaiser means Caesar. It is 
the one word in the world which stands for world dom- 
ination. 

Now that, my friends, is the struggle upon which 
we have entered. It is going to require all of our 
strength of heart, our efforts, our courage. I don't 
suppose you or any other Americans doubt our final 
success. We have shown the spirit which is able to 
avail itself of our matchless resources ; it is the spirit 
that quickeneth, and the spirit of America has risen 
to heights in this land which cheer the heart of every 
true American man and woman. You and I know that 
when the day comes, as come it will, that the free peo- 
ples of the world gather in sober triumph to celebrate 
their victory over this hideous thing ; in that day when 
the battle flags of democracy shall be gathered under 
God's sun of peace, the old Stars and Stripes, that 
flag which first preached Freedom and Democracy to 
the Western World, will not be lagging behind in 
shame, but, sanctified anew by the blood of our young 
men, will be carried to the fore front where it ought 
to be, the symbol of that nation which was true to its 
history, and which, in the great hour of the world's 
need, rallied to perform its stem and glorious service 
to itself, to democracy and to mankind. 

Single copies of this address may be obtained from J. R. Wcldin Co., 413 
Wood St., Pittsburgh, Pa., for 10 cents each and 2 cents for postage. 
Copies in lots of 50 or more may be obtained from Nicholson Printing Co., 
322 Third Avenue, Pittsburgh, at rate of 6 cents each and carrying charges. 

16 



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